Beyond symbolism: Karua through the looking glass
Azimio La Umoja presidential running mate Martha Karua speaks in Mombasa on June 7, 2022. She warned Kenyans against electing their opponents, saying Kenya Kwanza does not have their interests at heart.
What you need to know:
- Fida-K issued a statement congratulating Karua on her nomination, while Magwesha Ngwiri, a consultant editor, called her nomination a “game changer”.
- Over the years, she has fashioned herself as a staunch anti-corruption crusader, but at least two lines on her resume should invite closer scrutiny.
On May 16, 2022, former Prime Minister Raila Odinga and a front-runner in the upcoming August 9 presidential election announced that Martha Karua, a former Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister (and an erstwhile fierce opponent), would be his running mate. This historic nomination made her the first woman in Kenya to run on a major political party's presidential ticket.
In her acceptance speech, Karua, who vied for the presidency in 2013 and emerged sixth, said, “This is a moment for the women of Kenya. It is a moment that my grandmother would have been proud of but she would not have been surprised because generations of women have fought for change.”
Following the announcement, the media, political pundits, feminists and women’s organisations reacted to the news with varying degrees of enthusiasm and concern.
The Federation of Women Lawyers – Kenya (Fida-K) issued a statement congratulating Karua on her nomination. “We congratulate Narc Kenya party leader Martha Karua, SC, on her nomination as deputy president candidate on the Azimio la Umoja coalition. Hon. Martha Karua has been our member of long standing and has always exemplified strong leadership. We are very excited to honour her!” part of the statement read.
Game changer
Magwesha Ngwiri, a consultant editor, called her nomination a “game changer”. Writing for the Nation, he said, “When you compare the ostensible reasons why the Kenya Kwanza coalition settled on Mr Geoffrey Rigathi Gachagua for the same position – numbers – and the reasons that Azimio picked Karua, it is clear that the latter was using a different set of parameters in which integrity was paramount. This is a game changer. What remains to be seen is whether realpolitik will triumph over common sense when voters go to the booth.”
Political risk analyst Dismas Mokua opined that Karua would bring “political instability” to Odinga’s government if his fifth stab at the presidency is successful.
“For Martha, she is likely to guarantee political instability in any formation she goes to. There is history to back this up, when President Moi was addressing a political rally, she walked out on him and went ahead to resign from the Kibaki administration. If she becomes Raila’s deputy, the probability of offering political instability will still be high,” Mr Mokua argues.
A peer of Odinga in the Second Liberation struggle, Karua, who is a lawyer by profession, cut her teeth as a critic of the Moi regime. At the height of the clamour for multi-party democracy in Kenya in the early 1990s, Karua endeared herself to the public as a tenacious defender of civil rights.
As an elected Law Society of Kenya council member, Karua called for a tribunal to probe then-Chief Justice Allen Hancox and Justice Dugdale who were consistently making pro-state rulings that upheld the legality of the one-party state. This was an unprecedented move of judicial defiance at the time.
Second Liberation heroine
In December 1991, President Daniel arap Moi bowed to pressure and allowed for the restoration of multiparty politics through the repeal of article 2A of the old constitution, which made the Kenya African National Union (Kanu) the only authorised political party in Kenya.
Karua would then enter the fray of mainstream politics in 1992 when she was elected MP for Gichugu constituency and appointed as the Democratic Party's (DP) legal secretary in 1993.
In her early years in Parliament, she gained national prominence as a sharp critic of the government of the day and a vocal member of the opposition, earning her the moniker ‘Iron Lady’.
During this time, she served as the chairperson of the League of Kenyan Women Voters and was instrumental in pushing for a countrywide civic education of female voters.
After the National Alliance Rainbow Coalition’s (Narc’s) victory in the historic 2002 election that saw an end to Moi’s autocratic 24-year rule, Karua was appointed by President Mwai Kibaki as Minister for Water. During her tenure, she was instrumental in the implementation of the Water Act, 2002, which streamlined water provision and revived essential irrigation projects.
In 2008, she was appointed as Minister for Justice, National Cohesion and Constitutional Affairs after the formation of the Grand Coalition Government following the post-election violence of 2007/8. She would then resign in 2009, citing ‘frustrations’ while carrying out her duties.
About-turn
Karua’s alliance with Raila Odinga is a surprising about-turn. Back in 2008, while serving as Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister, she accused him of "ethnic cleansing" after the violence that followed 2007 disputed election. Odinga called the accusation "outrageous". The two would become adversaries in the coalition government.
In 2017, Karua backed incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta’s re-election bid, citing his “anti-corruption” stance. "President Kenyatta is doing his best to fight corruption and I fully support his endeavours," she said.
Kenyatta’s first term was marred by allegations of grand corruption and Karua had been a fierce critic of the Jubilee administration. Her declaration of support for Mr Kenyatta was to say the least, very interesting.
Over the years, she has fashioned herself as a staunch anti-corruption crusader. During this election period, amid national calls for stronger anti-corruption laws, at least two lines on her resume should invite closer scrutiny.
Unblemished?
First, her record as minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, which saw her reject the Anglo Leasing dossier released by former Ethics permanent secretary John Githongo. “Mr Githongo is not and never was an investigator, but a permanent secretary and his initial inquiries cannot be expected to be acted upon as though they are irrefutable and unquestionable evidence,” said Karua.
Githongo would later resign and flee into exile after claims of “death threats”. In his report, he alleged that President Kibaki and Karua had been repeatedly briefed on the dubious contracts but had taken no action.
Second, in December 2015, UK's Independent news site alleged that Karua was bribed with £50,000 by British America Tobacco (BAT) to block a rival tobacco firm from being awarded a multimillion-pound contract.
The site claimed the bribe was termed a ‘political donation’ and was issued to Karua during her presidential campaign in 2013. In return, Karua would lobby for BAT to win the contract for supplying technology to combat cigarette smuggling.
Karua admitted to only receiving Sh2,000,000 as a “donation” to her presidential campaign. Investigations continue and no culpability has been proved by British sleuths.
If discerning voters perceive a disconnect—between Karua’s anti-corruption rhetoric and the details of her own record as Justice minister—that could hurt her reputation. Thus, the operative question will be how she will defend herself against her record of upholding the corrupt status quo she claims to fight.
Karua’s contradictions may be perceived as negligible—even acceptable in the eyes of many of her supporters because of her track record and for many Kenyan feminists, they are willing to overlook some questionable things because she is a woman who has achieved political success in a viciously sexist system and her nomination symbolises a shift in Kenyan politics. But in such a crucial election, women should not, and cannot, afford to settle for symbolism and representation for representation’s sake.
Positioning in state
Can Karua really realise radical political change from within the space of hegemonic power? As a feminist, I recognise that her allegiance is to the ruling class first. I have no romantic illusions about her positioning in the state. If she ascends to the second-highest seat in the land, it is highly likely that she will affirm and stabilise the elite establishment backing the Odinga-Karua ticket.
While it’s fine for women to celebrate Karua’s nomination, it’s prudent for us to grill her on some important issues. We cannot just assume that because she is a woman who holds power, she is going to look out for our interests.
Yes, it is a huge victory when more women succeed in the political sphere here in Kenya (as women account for just 22 per cent of the National Assembly and Senate—a figure including the seats reserved exclusively for women as county representatives) but how they execute their duties is arguably much more crucial than how they were elected.
It’s important to hold Karua to the same high standards to which we plan to hold the major contenders in this presidential election. The potential deputy president doesn’t get to skip over the difficult questions or the excruciating conversations just because we’re supposed to be happy and content that she’s in the race.
So knowing all of this, what should voters, especially women, do to make sure Karua is more than just a symbolic token but an accountable leader?
The work starts with learning. Learning about Karua’s record as a Minister and legislator, learning about some of the decisions she’s made, the convictions she’s held over the years, and how she has used her positions of power.
If we uncover something that we may find inequitable, it is our duty and responsibility to bring it to light and to make sure that voters include it within their holistic understanding of Karua.
As the Kenyan ruling class across the board begins to prime us for an onslaught of election propaganda, it behoves us, as citizens, to reject selective amnesia of the past actions of leading contenders and observe their words and actions through the looking glass.
