President William Ruto and his deputy address wananchi in Kagumo town, Kirinyaga, during a development tour of the county on August 10, 2024.
For the wailing Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, the writing is on the wall. If his impending impeachment is diversionary drama to draw public attention away from the Adani stream of scandals, then someone sure forgot to let Gachagua in on the joke.
Which is no joke at all, there is indeed a determination to fire him and replace him with Interior Cabinet Secretary Prof Kithure Kindiki, whether diversionary or not. The big questions are what this means for the country’s politics and why Gachagua ceased to be a viable deputy for President William Ruto.
The exact details of how and when the President made the decision to throw him overboard are not impossible to find out, but the folks in government are wary to speak for the President without his express permission given his rather aggressive management style. It will take time for this material to seep out.
The question can also be asked whether in Gachagua, President Ruto saw a long-term governing partner or merely a key to open the floodgates of rebellion against retired President Uhuru Kenyatta as well as consolidate Mt Kenya support – in votes and campaign finance of which there is in abundant supply – for his campaign. Maybe the United Democratic Alliance strategists secretly used Mt Kenya merely as a boat to cross the election river but the onward journey through the land of government to be undertaken with more commodious company.
Certainly, while dealing with Gachagua as Deputy President is akin to juggling live cobras, managing the placid, loyal and noncontroversial Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi, for example, is quite the walk in the park.
In political terms, Gachagua is like something from a nightmare: Ruthless, bold, relentless, possessed of some native charm and homespun diction and networked among a certain category of his tribes mates. But the impeachment moves also expose the fact that Gachagua’s popularity does not travel too far from his native Mathira and certainly hardly beyond Nyeri County.
From the get-go, many of those Dr Ruto consulted in rounds upon rounds of votes, especially MPs from the Mt Kenya region, only four (and Dr Ruto himself) were in favour of Gachagua as the running mate. The others were in favour of the more urbane and approachable Prof Kindiki. Dr Ruto, it can be speculated, was partial to Gachagua because he brought on board a cartload of funds from the tycoons of Kikuyuland and the promise of an overflowing basket of votes. Prof Kindiki had little money and his assured vote catchment was neither here nor there. Kindiki will of course grow politically as he becomes more defined as a national political player and Kenyans get to know him more, and who knows? Time will reveal what lies in store.
Former Trade minister Moses Kuria is given to outbursts of buffoonery and, allegedly, drink, but his political antennae and gift of political analysis, especially in Mt Kenya, is matched only by a few. In his open letter to Gachagua, he paints the picture of a political dimwit chasing political currents, insisting on all of them going to the election in UDA and then turning around, too late in the day trying to form a political vehicle. He also paints the picture of a leader out of touch with government.
On July 7, something very telling happened at Kiamariga Church in Mathira Constituency. Speaking, one of Gachagua’s allies appears to tell the Gen Z, who were then demonstrating and occupying various sensitive parts of the capital city, to “occupy permanently”. At the time, the government was hanging on with the tips of its fingers, on the verge of being run out of town by angry youth. Coming from a close ally of the DP, it looked like an act of breathtaking disloyalty from someone so close to the centre of power.
Around the time of the protests, there were rumours that the government had – but ignored – very detailed information and warnings about the impending student demonstrations, the organisers, participants, funders, the risks they posed and various strategies to manage the situation with minimum destruction of life and property.
When the President addressed the nation, trying to keep his footing and stay in the saddle, Gachagua called a rival press conference in Mombasa and lambasted the security services as divided and their leadership as junior quacks.
This is what is currently being referred to as “insubordination” in government corridors.
But even if it wasn’t, it takes very poor judgment and intemperance for an official in the heart of power to lift the cloak of secrecy from around the clandestine services and to be anywhere other than by the side of his boss in the moment of crisis.
But all this is not reason many people believe that it will take a miracle to save Gachagua’s job: He might be doing a Ruto on Ruto himself. He seems to be faithfully following in the footsteps of his boss, executing his strategy against then-President Uhuru Kenyatta.
This familiar path, lined with claims of ostracisation, political targeting, crippling budget cuts, and the all-too-familiar hijacking of church services to pour vitriol on the perceived enemy, worked well for Dr Ruto in the second term in office and the question in the minds of many Kenyans is whether the “truthful man” from Nyeri could ride his truant boy wagon to State House.
It has not been lost on many that Gachagua’s actions and rhetoric bear a striking resemblance to the path walked by his predecessor. By claiming ostracism from government, enlisting the clergy’s defence, holding press conferences at his official residence, alleging misuse of the justice system, and decrying budget cuts, Gachagua is positioning himself as a political figure who, like Dr Ruto, is at odds with the government’s inner workings.
This strategy may help Gachagua cultivate a distinct political identity, but it also highlights the enduring challenges faced by Kenya's deputy presidents within the broader political landscape.
Sense of isolation
During Dr Ruto’s time as DP, one of his recurring grievances was that he had been sidelined from government operations. Despite holding a constitutional position as the second-highest official in the country, Dr Ruto often suggested that his duties had been reduced, and that key decisions were being made without his input.
Once a close ally of President Kenyatta, he traversed the country to address political gatherings from the roof of his officially assigned vehicle with the strategy to portray himself as an outsider within the very government he was part of, alleging exclusion from central decision-making processes.
Similarly, Gachagua has echoed this sense of isolation. Despite being the Deputy President under Dr Ruto’s administration, Gachagua has spoken openly about feeling marginalised in government functions. He has claimed that while he occupies a key leadership role, his influence is limited and his office faces opposition from within the government.
By doing so, he is positioning himself not just as a Deputy President, but as a political figure who, like Dr Ruto before him, is being frustrated and isolated by political forces within the government he serves. But it is the recourse to the pulpit that is most daring in its copycat postures.
During his tenure as DP, Dr Ruto frequently turned to the clergy for support, often framing himself as a devout Christian who was being persecuted for political reasons.
This religious framing played a crucial role in Dr Ruto’s narrative of marginalisation. By invoking religion, Dr Ruto sought to elevate his political struggles to a moral plane, suggesting that his opponents were not just fighting him but were in opposition to the divine will.
He regularly held public prayer meetings and allied with religious leaders to bolster his standing among religiously devout segments of the population. Photos abound of him posing with pastors and all manner of religious characters on the steps of his official Karen residence, and these clergymen and women went on to campaign for him every Sunday across the country.
Now Gachagua has taken a similar approach. In recent speeches and public appearances, including several in the Mt Kenya region, he has emphasised his religious convictions and, like Dr Ruto, has used the language of faith to characterise his political trials.
This tactic, he hopes, will align him with religious leaders, and thus help him maintain public sympathy, especially in a country where religious identity plays a key role in politics. By framing his battles within government as part of a broader moral struggle, Gachagua is cleverly tapping into the significant political capital that comes with religious backing.
One of the key features of Dr Ruto’s tenure as DP was his frequent use of the official residence in Karen as a base for political mobilisation. Amid growing tensions between him and President Kenyatta, Dr Ruto held numerous press conferences and political meetings at his residence, using it as a platform to communicate directly with the public and his allies.
By doing so, he transformed the DP’s residence into a political hub, emphasizing his role as a leader in opposition to the government even while still holding office.
Gachagua has mirrored this tactic, regularly holding press conferences at his official residence. By using this venue, he can control the narrative in a setting that is both official and personal. It allows him to project authority while simultaneously positioning himself as a political figure who operates independently of other power structures within the government.
Just as his boss did, Gachagua appears to be leveraging this platform to connect directly with his supporters, bypassing other government channels that might undermine his messaging. His recent claims that he is being targeted by the justice system for political expediency follows in this rule book.
Dr Ruto often claimed that the justice system was being weaponised against him and his allies. His allegations included accusations of trumped-up charges and politically motivated investigations by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations that were aimed at tarnishing his name and that of his supporters.
In particular, Dr Ruto criticised the use of anti-corruption agencies, law enforcement, and the Judiciary to target individuals allied to him, framing these actions as attempts to stifle his political ambitions.
Political influence
Gachagua has adopted a similar stance. Now Gachagua claims that the justice system is being used against him and his allies as a means of political persecution, pointing to investigations and charges brought against individuals close to him as evidence that there are forces within the government seeking to weaken his political influence.
This week the Directorate of Criminal Investigations wrote to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecution urging it to charge five individuals accused of orchestrating and funding youth-led anti-government protests in June.The individuals, all of whom are allies of Gachagua, include MPs Benjamin Gathiru Mwangi alias Mejja Donk (Embakasi Central), James Mwangi Gakuya (Embakasi North), Martin Deric Ngunjiri Wambugu (former Nyeri MP), George Theuri (former Embakasi West MP), and Pius G Munene.
Wambugu serves as a political advisor in the Deputy President’s office, Theuri is the youth advisor, while Munene holds the position of private secretary to the Deputy President. But, in a quick rejoinder, Gachagua lashed out at the DCI, claiming that for the past two months, his office staff and MPs close to him have faced harassment.
“I am embarrassed that we are back to where we were,” he posted on his X account, referring to the heady days of the Uhuru-Ruto regime. “This evil scheme aims to link them to the violent demonstrations in late June, in a hopeless attempt to soil my name and lay the groundwork for the proposed impeachment proceedings against me.”
While distancing himself from the protests, the DP urged government agencies to remain professional, adhere to the rule of law, and stay out of political affairs. By drawing parallels with Ruto’s experiences, Gachagua frames himself as another victim of politically motivated justice, seeking to garner sympathy from the public while discrediting the legal challenges against him.
At the same time, Gachagua has claimed that a string of austerity measures has targeted his office unfairly with budget cuts, echoing one of Ruto’s complaints during his time as DP, which he interpreted as part of a larger strategy to undermine his authority and effectiveness.
He alleged that resources were being withheld from his office, rendering him ineffective in executing his constitutional duties.
Likewise, by focusing on budgetary constraints, Gachagua further reinforces the idea that his marginalisation is systemic and deliberate, and he seeks to rally support by portraying himself as a leader who is being unfairly restrained by the very government he serves. It appears that the more things change, the more they must not be allowed to remain the same.
