The high rate of corruption in Kenya is alarming
Fighting corruption in Kenya is clichéd, as the dramatic arrest of traffic police picking roadside bribes.
But when the headlines land in the morning, it is apparent that multi-billion-shilling heists have been in progress — uninterrupted — through procurement fraud, systemised supply chains, and digitised efficiency. Corruption scandals knock each other over in the struggle for space in the public consciousness: Sh6.3 billion diverted from the eCitizen government payment platform; the Social Health Authority being defrauded of Sh11 billion in insurance claims; and Sh51 billion road annuity being turned into a guaranteed future stream.
And that is just this year, in the first quarter. Individually, these are scandals. Together, they present a pattern.
A billion shillings looks puny on a newspaper headline. Visually, the cash from the SHA fraudulent claims could line the route for the Suswa-Malaba standard gauge railway three times, with no spaces between the banknotes.
Chinua Achebe pithily captured the evolution of corruption in the allegory about Eneke-nti-oba, the bird, which had learnt to fly without perching because men had developed the capacity to shoot without missing.
There was a time when corruption required effort to uncover. As scrutiny over public finances has sharpened, theft has evolved instead of retreating. As detection has improved, so too has corruption adapted — not by hiding, but by embedding itself deeper into systems where it is harder to isolate, more difficult to prosecute, easier to live with.
Universal Health Coverage
The mechanics of the system are presented as a reform to achieve efficiency, universal health coverage and system integration. It appears that an elaborate platform for plunder has been constructed, scaled into a system and then commissioned to run with such efficiency so that when exposure occurs, it appears normal. In this value proposition, corruption is no longer an accounting problem. It no longer spikes. It schedules itself.
The State is no longer being looted in episodes or moments that can be isolated. Corruption now moves across months, sectors and systems — visible only when you step back and trace the timeline.
Corruption is no longer sitting in the obvious places — single-sourced tenders, ghost projects and isolated scandals. It is moving through systems quietly, continuously and with increased efficiency. It no longer needs to perch in a single scandal. It flies.
Since there is no drama, violence or spectacle in the process of these heists, public officials no longer attempt to investigate corruption; they defend it. Public officials no longer interrogate corruption when it is flagged. The absurd has become routine. The exceptional is expected.
Corruption has not been rising. It has been settling in. The Corruption Perceptions Index for Kenya reads like a slow-motion diagnosis. A country scoring in the low 30s is not one overwhelmed by spectacular theft alone. It is one where corruption is embedded in the process: It is not only predictable but routine and therefore expected.
The watchdog has become the problem. The Office of the Auditor-General remains constitutionally powerful—but in practice, it is increasingly constrained, contested and inconvenient. Instead of responding to audit queries, public officials attack the reports as being out of touch with reality. It will be starved of resources and perhaps abolished if there is a constitutional referendum.
Transparency International
The latest corruption perception index by Transparency International shows that Kenya ranks in the bottom half globally. The index evaluates how corruption is experienced, normalised and expected.
In Kenya, corruption is no longer an act; it is the system. Kenya’s state has evolved from one that occasionally looted to a quietly reconfigured entity that is no longer struggling with corruption. It is living inside the corruption bubble.
Revenue is collected through systems the State does not fully control; expenditure flows through platforms whose ownership is contested; and policy decisions consistently generate private gain at public cost. Corruption is no longer an intrusion into the state; it is not a misnomer but a feature of how the state operates.
Between January 2023 and March 2026, the record — drawn from audits, parliamentary scrutiny, and the government’s own numbers — shows that at least Sh60 billion has been lost in confirmed corruption-linked scandals. The figure could easily rise to over Sh120 billion if the systems that make such losses routine are considered. It is the cumulative cost of a state that no longer meets its money at the point of entry, no longer fully controls how it spends, and increasingly writes policy as a preamble to private gain. Calling these revelations scandals is misnaming a pattern that is consistent across sectors and across time.
During the election campaigns, Candidate William Ruto presciently predicted that if he were to run the government, there would be no money to steal. That prophecy has come true. There is no money waiting in government accounts to be stolen. It is met on arrival, routed through systems, and distributed with such efficiency that by the time we call it corruption, the system has already called it business.
The conclusion must, therefore, be that the government is not struggling with corruption. It is incubating a system that enables it.
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The writer is a board member of the Kenya Human Rights Commission and writes in his individual capacity. @kwamchetsi; [email protected]
