The power struggle within the Linda Mwananchi movement over which party Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna should run on, and the rush by leaders to either register new parties or acquire and re-brand existing ones, have exposed the deep-rooted political mistrust.
This reflects the high value placed on being a party leader, the fear of primaries being manipulated, and the risk of being sidelined and cheated out of major election decisions.
From glossy headquarters in Nairobi to skeletal offices in the counties, political parties are springing up at a rate that mirrors Kenya’s increasingly fragmented political landscape.
In most cases, party leaders join coalitions as principals, placing them in the highest decision-making bodies of these formations. Ultimately, this enables them to negotiate for power and positions in government.
The billions of shillings from the Exchequer have also made running political parties a lucrative venture. At least 48 of the political parties that participated in the 2022 elections are benefiting from millions of taxpayers’ money to fund their activities.
What was once the domain of mass movements and ideological platforms has become a strategic investment for political actors, offering financial returns, bargaining power, and protection against exclusion.
Kenya currently has 99 fully registered political parties, nine more than the 90 that existed in the run-up to the 2022 polls, according to the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties (ORPP). The newly registered parties include the We Alliance Party; the Democracy for the Citizens Party, led by former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua ; the National Economic Development Party; the People’s Renaissance Movement, led by Saboti MP Caleb Amisi ; and the Kenya United Generation Party.
Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua poses for a photograph after unveiling his new political outfit, the Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP), at the party headquarters in the Lavington, Nairobi, on May 15, 2025.
Photo credit: Thomas Mukoya | Reuters
The others are the Peoples’ Forum for Rebuilding Democracy (PFRD), Msingi wa Utaifa, the United Patriotic Movement (UPM) — associated with Kakamega Senator Boni Khalwale — and the Forum for Economic Development Agenda.
A further 36 parties have obtained provisional registration, including the People’s Prosperity Party of former ICT minister Eliud Owalo. The former ally of President William Ruto recently launched the party, but records by the ORPP show that he has not yet applied for full registration.
Former Information Communication Technology (ICT) Cabinet Secretary Eliud Owalo addressing delegates while officially launching his new political party, the People’s Prosperity Party (PPP) in Nairobi on July 8, 2026 where he declared his candidacy for the 2027 presidential election.
Photo credit: Evans Habil | Nation
This means the party cannot participate in elections, at least for now.
Provisionally registered parties have 180 days (six months) to recruit at least 1,000 registered voters as members in at least 24 counties, and to establish physical offices in those counties, before they can obtain full registration. The Registrar of Political Parties, John Cox Lorionokou, has notified the secretaries-general of fully registered parties of his intention to conduct inspections of their head and county offices. Parties are required to maintain a registered party head office and branch offices in more than half of the counties.
“In line with this mandate, the office will conduct an inspection of the head offices and branch offices of all fully registered political parties to ascertain compliance with the maintenance of a registered head office and branch offices in more than half of the counties,” Mr Lorionokou wrote in a letter dated September 14, ahead of the exercise that has been planned for October 5 to 9.
Running offices in at least 24 counties has been costly, particularly for ‘briefcase outfits’. Some have met the requirements for registration purposes, only to close them down thereafter.
Mr Gachagua and former Meru Governor Kawira Mwangaza — who were both impeached — have publicly stated that their troubles were due to not having parties under their control. Mr Gachagua and Ms Mwangaza have since acquired the DCP and Umoja Na Maendeleo Party respectively, ahead of the next elections.
“Raila Odinga (the late former prime minister) is never elected to parliament, but he has loyal supporters right from the grassroots. The mountain region will not make the same mistakes as in 2022, when we relied on someone else. After we made him president, William Ruto started betraying us immediately,” Mr Gachagua said after his impeachment in October 2024.
MP for Kiharu, Ndindi Nyoro, Dr Khalwale and Mr Amisi are among the country’s latest party leaders preparing for the 2027 election.
Kiharu MP Ndindi Nyoro when he announced that he had defected from UDA to the People's Party of Kenya at Safari Park Hotel, Nairobi on August 17, 2026.
Photo credit: Lucy Wanjiru | Nation Media Group
Mr Nyoro recently took over the People’s Party of Kenya (PPK), declaring his presidential ambitions and aligning himself with the broader opposition. He has rolled out a nationwide mobilisation and recruitment drive for aspiring politicians.
“The People’s Party continues to grow exponentially. Today, we received delegations and aspirants from across the country,” the former chairman of the Budget and Appropriations Committee said on Wednesday. He has listed free basic education, an effective healthcare system, and job opportunities for young people as priority areas for the party should he form the next government.
In the current dispute within the Linda Mwananchi movement, Embakasi East MP Babu Owino has acquired the Muungano Party from former Makueni Governor Kivutha Kibwana. He is rebranding it as the Mwananchi Party.
Trans Nzoia Governor George Natembeya is also rebranding the United Democratic Party as the Ukombozi People’s Party. Both Mr Owino and Mr Natembeya want the Nairobi senator to run on their respective tickets.
On Tuesday, Mr Owino said that he would be running on his party ticket for the Nairobi governorship.
“Rigathi Gachagua and Kawira Mwangaza were impeached due to a lack of support from MPs and the party. Mwangaza told me not to compromise on the deputy governor and to ensure that MCAs are elected on my party ticket,” he said.
“I have made a decision that we have one political party, but if it can’t happen, then we should have a coalition. It is coalitions that have won elections in Kenya,” said Mr Owino.
After being fired by President Ruto from the Cabinet, Justin Muturi pushed for his reinstatement as the Democratic Party (DP) leader in June last year.
Former Chief Justice David Maraga speaks during the declaration of his 2027 presidential bid on the United Green Movement Party ticket, at the party headquarters, Nairobi, on October 2, 2025.
Photo credit: Wilfred Nyangaresi | Nation Media Group
Jubilee Party is currently staring at a fresh battle for power and control of its structure and billions of shillings as the succession of former President Uhuru Kenyatta takes shape.
Co-deputy party leaders Jeremiah Kioni and Fred Matiang’i are already angling for the leadership of the outfit. Whoever succeeds Mr Kenyatta and rises through the ranks of the former ruling party will have significant influence over its political direction in the run-up to the next elections.
Mr Kioni says that the proliferation of briefcase parties risks clawing back the country’s democratic gains. He says some of the small parties have no structures and organs. Instead, he says, some of the parties are unilaterally run by their leaders.
“Some of them want to be the alpha and omega. That everything starts and ends with them. If we are not careful with this idea of having so many regional parties, we will end up being a dictatorship,” says Mr Kioni.
In Nyanza, Ugenya MP David Ochieng’s Movement for Democracy and Growth continues to make inroads in the region. The party has since attracted aspirants for various positions. Mr Ochieng seeks to run for Siaya governor on the party.
The lawmaker recently rejected overtures by ODM leader Oburu Oginga, who asked him to run for the governorship on the Orange party.
Instead, he would be fielding more candidates for various seats across the country. Some of the fringe parties have become a threat to major parties, especially following nomination fallout.
Prof David Monda — a US-based political analyst — says owning a party offers some assurance of access to positions desired and a cover for backstabbing. Being a party leader, he says, also provides clout crucial for bargaining.
“Politicians use political parties in the political game for strategic ambiguity, gambits, bargaining and hoodwinking rivals while rewarding allies,” notes Prof Monda. He observes that the ruthless and dirty nature of party nominations has become a major factor in the desire by ambitious politicians to own a party.
Having a party confers the legal authority to field candidates. Only registered parties can officially nominate contenders for elective office, making party ownership a critical gateway to electoral participation.
Nomination season has become a lucrative moment. Aspirants pay nomination fees — sometimes running into hundreds of thousands of shillings — creating a steady revenue stream for party owners.
Former Nyeri Town MP Ngunjiri Wambugu says being a party leader comes with “freedom, control and power over aspirants”. He says owners of political parties also have party resources at their disposal. Of significance, Mr Wambugu says, is their place and role in coalition building.
In outfits with weak internal competition, the leadership effectively controls who gets a ticket, turning nomination into a powerful commercial and political tool.
Coalition politics has further amplified the value of being a party leader. Kenya’s elections are increasingly won through alliances rather than standalone parties, with registered outfits — regardless of size — gaining negotiating power during coalition talks. Parties that field candidates for elections also stand a chance to benefit from the 12 nomination slots in the National Assembly and 20 in the Senate.
A party that wins more elective seats benefits more in the sharing of the nomination slots. Parties that participate in the General Election also stand to benefit from the more than 700 nomination slots in the county assemblies.
In the past, it was only two major parties that were benefiting from the Exchequer’s purse. But dozens of parties that never benefited from the millions of shillings started receiving allocations after the 2022 elections. Parliament — in the run-up to the elections — amended the Political Parties Act, opening up the fund to more parties.
The current Act provides that 70 per cent of the money be distributed proportionately, based on the total number of votes secured by a political party in the preceding election.
Another 15 per cent is to be distributed proportionately to parties based on the number of candidates from special interest groups elected in the preceding General Election.
Ten per cent shall be shared out proportionately to parties, based on the number of representatives from the party elected in the preceding General Election, while the remaining five per cent is for administration expenses by the ORPP.
The provision implies that any party that participates in a General Election stands to benefit from the funds, based on the number of votes attributed to its candidates, even if a majority of them lose at the ballot.
