In the run-up to independence, the Luo, Kikuyu, Meru, Embu and other communities teamed up to uproot the British colonial regime. The Luo community was represented in the struggle for independence by notable nationalists such as Achieng’ Oneko, Tom Mboya, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Argwings K’Odhek, Ochola Makanyengo, Oruko Makasembo and Ojijo Oteko, among other luminaries.
By their sheer numbers and economic strength, the Luo and Kikuyu (including the Embu and Meru) were able to influence the trajectory of the struggle for independence. The Mau Mau mounted sporadic attacks on British settlers in the White Highlands, while the Luo sustained agitation through trade unions, international conferences and petitions.
Eventually, the British withdrew due to the Mau Mau insurgency, mounting international pressure and the unsustainable cost of maintaining colonies — including Kenya — after the devastation of World War II. These two major communities formed the first independence government under KANU, with Jomo Kenyatta and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga serving as president and vice-president, respectively.
The rapprochement was short-lived and, by 1966, Jaramogi had resigned as the country’s second-in-command. As fate would have it, Jaramogi’s resignation marked the beginning of the downward trajectory of the Nyanza economy. This may sound surprising to many Kenyans who do not associate Nyanza with a vibrant pre-independence economy.
A brief overview of the region’s economic activities before and shortly after independence helps to explain this. Before Kenya attained independence in 1963, the Nyanza region was a diverse and vibrant economic hub, with activities gradually shifting from traditional subsistence systems to a more integrated colonial economy. Agriculture was initially centred on subsistence farming of crops such as millet, sorghum and cassava.
Over time, it transitioned to mixed farming as the population became more sedentary. The Luo community kept large herds of cattle, goats and poultry. Cattle were particularly important as a measure of wealth and were used in traditional ceremonies and bride price.
Being situated around Lake Victoria, fishing was a cornerstone of the economy, providing both a key food source and a major trade commodity.
The British administration introduced crops intended for export and tax generation, including cotton, sugar and sisal. Cotton production in particular was heavily promoted through colonial policy and Asian-owned ginneries.
Kisumu had become a major commercial hub by the early 20th century. It served as a distribution depot for imported goods such as salt, oil and cloth, and as a collection point for raw materials such as hides, skins and grains destined for international markets.
With the introduction of colonial taxes, many locals were pushed into migrant wage labour, often working on white settler farms or within the developing urban infrastructure. Asian artisans in Kisumu trained Africans in various trades, creating a skilled class of workers specialising in furniture making, bicycle repair and leather crafting.
By the 1920s and 1930s, African political welfare groups such as the Kavirondo Taxpayers Welfare Association began competing with Asian traders by establishing grain milling schemes and rural trade networks. Many of these economic gains began to reverse alongside political marginalisation following the Limuru Conference of 1966, which stripped Jaramogi Oginga Odinga of vice-presidential powers and pushed him — together with much of his Luo political base — to the periphery of state power.
Hostility between the ruling Kikuyu elite and the Luo political establishment intensified, gradually weakening the once vibrant Nyanza economy and reinforcing perceptions of the region as economically backward.
The late president Daniel arap Moi once captured the relationship between politics and economic development in the phrase “siasa mbaya, maisha mbaya” (bad politics, bad life). Nyanza became a victim of opposition politics, with significant socio-economic consequences.
A comparative analysis of Luo Nyanza — comprising Siaya, Kisumu, Homa Bay and Migori counties — and Central Kenya (Kiambu, Murang’a, Nyeri, Kirinyaga and Nyandarua) reveals notable socio-economic disparities, with Nyanza lagging behind on many critical indicators.
For instance, in terms of health outcomes, national data shows that wealthier counties — including those in Central Kenya — tend to have better overall health indicators.
On the other hand, Luo Nyanza counties carry a heavy burden of preventable infectious diseases such as malaria, dysentery, pneumonia, bilharzia and cholera. According to the Kenya Demographic and Health Survey (2022), the average infant mortality and under-five mortality rates per 1,000 live births in Luo Nyanza were 45 and 60.5, respectively. Comparative figures for Central Kenya were 33 and between 15 and 20, respectively.
Similarly, Nyanza has relatively poor road density, with a Rural Access Index — defined as the proportion of people living within two kilometres of an all-season road — of under 40 percent, compared to Central Kenya’s average of about 95 percent. Electricity and piped water penetration in Nyanza remain among the lowest in the country, with Homa Bay, Siaya and Migori occupying some of the bottom positions nationally, slightly ahead of counties such as West Pokot and Turkana.
Many households in Nyanza still rely on unimproved water sources, exacerbating already poor health conditions. Poverty levels also remain relatively high due to heavy reliance on small-scale fishing and subsistence agriculture, which often offer less financial security than the commercial farming and industrial employment prevalent in Central Kenya.
While Nyanza boasts a number of elite schools such as Maseno, Maranda, Asumbi, Rang’ala and Kanga, Central Kenya records higher overall literacy levels due to more consistent access to educational resources.
The effects of these socio-economic disparities are reflected in life expectancy figures in the two regions, with Central Kenya and Nyanza recording 67 and 58 years, respectively, compared with a national average of between 64 and 67.9 years.
Nyanza is therefore yearning for progressive leadership capable of tapping into national development resources so that the region can regain its lost socio-economic momentum. For this reason, political conversations in the region are likely to shift from rhetoric to economics — and to pragmatic strategies for bringing government resources closer to the people.
Populist politicians who thrived largely through their proximity to Raila Odinga while escaping accountability questions from constituents may face increasingly difficult scrutiny ahead of the 2027 elections. In Dr Oburu Odinga’s words, “Nyanza wants power.”
Prof Vincent Ongore is a public finance and corporate governance scholar based at the Technical University of Kenya. Email: [email protected]
